The Maldives, with its sprawling white sand beaches and dazzling coral reefs, is one of the world’s most expensive holiday destinations.

Now, though, this Indian Ocean archipelago nation has just increased the price it costs to leave.

From December 1, exit fees for those flying out of the country will increase as much as four times.

The departure tax is broken down per passenger based on the class of service they’re using to fly out of the Maldives. Passengers in economy class will pay $50 (up from $30), business class $120 (from $60), first class $240 (from $90) and private jet travelers $480 per person (up from $120).

This departure tax applies to all non-Maldivian visitors regardless of age or passport, and it also doesn’t take the length or duration of the flight into account, meaning a traveler will pay the same to take a four-hour flight to Delhi or an 11-hour one to London.

The Maldivian Inland Revenue Authority (MIRA) announced the tax increases in November. According to MIRA, revenue from this tax goes toward maintenance and upkeep of Velana International Airport (MLE), the country’s primary transit hub.

However, some tourists may not even notice the new charges. These fees are generally added to the price of airline tickets, so travelers don’t have to fork over cash when they go through passport control.

Beond, a startup all-business-class airline that flies to the Maldives, has posted a note on its website advising customers to buy their tickets before November 30 to avoid the new departure tax.

Located off the coast of India, the Maldives has a population of about 525,000 across more than 1,000 islands and atolls. The majority of citizens are concentrated in the capital city of Malé.

Its most profitable industry is tourism, but the country has struggled to balance the money brought in by international luxury tourists with the needs of its population. Geography makes the Maldives an easy sell for high-end brands, as hotels and resorts can easily have their own private island.

The Ritz Carlton, Six Senses, and St Regis are among the international hotel chains present in the Maldives, with many rooms and villas costing thousands of dollars per night.

The average Maldivian earns about $12,000 a year, according to the US State Department.

Palak Tiwari and Ibrahim Ali Khan are rumored to be vacationing together in the Maldives. Check out where Palak stayed and the cost of the oceanside villas.

Palak Tiwari and Ibrahim Ali Khan, who are rumoured to be dating, are currently in Maldives, and fans believe they are holidaying together. The two shared photos separately from the vacation. However, their fans quickly pointed out they were clicked at the same locations. While Ibrahim's post does not reveal the hotel he is staying at, Palak tagged the beach resort Furaveri Maldives in her posts. In her Instagram posts, she shared glimpses of her stay at the lavish property. Let's take a peek inside.

Inside Palak Tiwari's stay at a beach villa in Maldives

Palak Tiwari's Maldives holiday album features photos of her sitting by the pool, lounging inside a cabana, flaunting her beach-ready bikinis, enjoying breakfast in the pool, exploring the sea while scuba diving, and looking sunkissed and pretty while chilling on the beach.

Meanwhile, Ibrahim's photos from the Maldives show him posing shirtless inside the pool, chilling on a yacht, and smiling on a dinner date. He also shared aesthetic photos of his brunch date and a nighttime click of the beachside villas where he is staying with his rumoured girlfriend.

Here's a look at the various details of Furaveri Maldives, the resort in Maldives where Palak Tiwari and Ibrahim Ali Khan are staying.

Ocean-side villas with the best views

According to the pictures available on the Furaveri official website, Palak is staying at the private Ocean Reed Residences. Set against a breathtaking ocean backdrop, the extravagant 500 sqm rooms feature chic interiors and a sundeck where you can lounge by the lavish lap pool or slip into the turquoise waters that beckon you from down below. The other amenities available at the villas are a rainfall shower, private outdoor terrace dining areas, and a bathtub.

Meanwhile, the extravagant beach resort offers 23 hectares of the natural island with lush vegetation and surrounding beach, 169 spacious villas (from garden villas to two-bedroom residences), 6 restaurants with international cuisines, a beach bar, and the first wellness village in the Maldives.

How much do these rooms cost per night?

As per MakeMyTrip, the prices for the villas start from ₹42,252 plus ₹9,802 taxes & fees) per night and can go up to ₹74,293 plus ₹17,236 taxes and fees per night.

The Maldives Development Update (MDU) has two main goals. First, it takes the pulse of the Maldivian economy by providing key developments over the past 12 months. Placing these in a global context, and based on these recent developments, it analyzes the outlook over the medium term. Second, every other edition of the MDU provides a more in-depth investigation of selected economic and policy issues. It has a wide audience including policymakers, policy analysts from think tanks or non-governmental organizations, and business and financial sector professionals interested in Maldives’ economic development.

Click here to download the latest Maldives Development Update (October 2024).

RECENT ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS

The economy grew by 4.1 percent in 2023 and 9.8 percent in the first quarter of 2024. Tourist arrivals reached 1.3 million in August and are projected to reach a historical high of 2 million in 2024 (8.6 percent above 2023). However, due to a continued decrease in spending per tourist, these higher arrivals are not expected to significantly increase growth, with real GDP growth projected at 4.7 percent in 2024.

Domestic inflation remained low at an average of 0.5 percent in the first half of 2024. However, food inflation experienced a sharp increase, reaching an average of 6.7 percent in the same period, increasing costs of living for all, especially for less well-off households (who spend 35.2 percent of their budget on food).

A decline in fish exports of 45.5 percent and growth in goods imports of 6.4 percent in the first half of 2024, widened the trade deficit to US$1.5 billion in the first half of 2024, from US$1.4 billion in the first half of 2023. Higher import costs and external debt repayments also put significant pressure on official reserves, which fell from US$590.5 million in December 2023 to US$395.4 million in July 2024 (from 1.4 to 0.9 months of imports). Similarly, usable reserves declined from US$179 million to an all-time low of US$43.7 million in the same period.

While recurrent expenditure declined by 7.2 percent in the first half of 2024, lower than expected due to delayed subsidy reforms, capital expenditure declined by 47.6 percent in the first half of 2024 due to infrastructure project cuts. Overall, total expenditure is expected to moderate in 2024, yet this will be overshadowed by the buildup of expenditure arrears. With lower revenue collections, which declined by 5.7 percent in the first half of 2024 due to lower non-tax revenues, the estimated fiscal deficit at end-June remained at 12.8 percent of GDP – similar to 2023. Given the authorities have not published monthly and weekly fiscal developments since end-June, this has led to further concerns over the country’s fiscal situation.

With the persistence in domestic and external financing difficulties, the central bank’s (MMA) exposure to government securities rose further to 61.0 percent of its total financial assets by mid-2024, from 58.2 percent in 2023.

CHALLENGES

Tourism, the key driver of economic growth, continues to support economic activity and fiscal revenues with increased arrivals from China, Russia, and the United Kingdom. However, a decline in spending per tourist has moderated the impact of the sector’s strong performance on overall growth.  

Large increases in government spending and reliance on external non-concessional financing for infrastructure projects in recent years have worsened external and fiscal vulnerabilities and significantly increased public debt. Persistent large current account and fiscal deficits have led to a major depletion in already limited official reserves. Pressure on fiscal accounts this year has been aggravated by the government’s continued provision of blanket subsidies, capital injections to underperforming state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and high levels of public health spending. The unavailability of finance has led to a notable reduction in capital spending, an accumulation of expenditure arrears, and concerns about the financial health of the construction industry.

To tackle the economic difficulties, the government announced a homegrown fiscal reform agenda in February 2024, including reforms that phase out existing subsidies and replace them with a targeted cash transfer scheme, improving health spending efficiency and rationalizing capital expenditure. Overnight subsidy removal, if uncompensated, could cause poverty ($6.85 per person per day, 2017 PPP) to almost double nationally and in the atolls. However, the implementation of these reforms has yet to commence, and it will also require candid and timely communication to the public.

OUTLOOK

Supported by tourism, the economy is projected to grow by 4.7 percent on average over the medium term –lower than the pre-pandemic average of 7.4 percent. This outlook is predicated on a major fiscal adjustment – including the negative impacts on real household incomes and a reduction in government consumption and investment – and more moderate spending per tourist. Inflation is projected to rise significantly over the medium term, due to the planned subsidy reform.

Assuming a timely implementation of the government’s fiscal reform package, including a meaningful spending reduction, the fiscal deficit is expected to narrow from 12.7 percent of GDP in 2023 to 6.1 percent of GDP in 2026. As a result, public debt is projected to gradually decline from 122.8 percent of GDP in 2023 to 111.4 percent of GDP in 2026. The poverty outlook remains uncertain, depending on the timing and scope of reforms, the impact on labor markets, and the design of cash transfers. In the absence of mitigating transfers, subsidy removal could double poverty rates. Assuming a budget of MVR 1.2 billion, a universal cash transfer would only partly offset the welfare losses, but a more generous targeted cash transfer to the bottom 60 percent of the population could fully compensate.

The current account deficit is expected to narrow from 21.2 percent of GDP in 2023 to 12.1 percent of GDP in 2026, supported by robust growth in service exports and slower growth in imports. High external financing needs – including significant debt servicing – are expected to sustain pressure on official reserves and threaten overall macroeconomic stability.

Major downside risks exist. Any shock to the tourism sector could worsen the growth outlook. Limited domestic and external financing may exacerbate liquidity and solvency concerns, especially considering the approaching spike in external debt servicing payments. A major fiscal adjustment is urgently required to ensure macroeconomic stability. Any delay in fiscal reforms could lead to a further deterioration of current vulnerabilities and an unprecedented economic shock.

Cable expected to go live in two years' time

The SeaMeWe-6 cable has landed in the Maldives.

Maldives telco Dhiraagu, the landing partner for this portion of the cable, said it had inaugurated the cable, although it is still two years away from activation.

The 21,700km (13,500 miles) cable links France and Singapore via the Red Sea and is planned to have 17 landing points in 15 countries.

SeaMeWe-6 is expected to have a capacity of 126Tbps when operational in 2026.

“Connecting our digital network to the SMW6 submarine cable system is an important step towards establishing the Maldives as a global digital hub and increasing the resiliency of the country’s digital backbone. This access by the Maldives to key digital hubs across the world will help us to provide higher speeds of digital connectivity, reduce latency, and decrease the cost of our Internet services in the future,” said Ismail Rasheed, Dhiraagu’s CEO and managing director.

Other landing partners of the SeaMeWe-6 cable are Batelco, Bangladesh Submarine Cable Company Limited (BSCCL), Bharti Airtel, China Unicom, Dhiraagu, Djibouti Telecom, Microsoft, Mobily, PCCW, Singtel, Sri Lanka Telecom, Telecom Egypt, Telekom Malaysia, Telin, and Transworld.

The fiber pairs on the trunk of the cable from Bahrain to Oman - known as Al Khaleej - are fully owned by Batelco. Airtel has privately owned fiber pairs extending from Singapore to Mumbai and Chennai.

When complete, the SeaMeWe-6 cable will land in Manama, Bahrain; Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh; Djibouti City, Djibouti; Port Said and Ras Ghareb, Egypt; Marseille, France; Chennai and Mumbai, India; Morib, Malaysia; Hulhumale, Maldives; Muscat, Oman; Karachi, Pakistan; Doha, Qatar; Yanbu, Saudi Arabia; Tuas, Singapore; Matara, Sri Lanka; and Abu Dhabi, UAE.

The cable was planned to include China, however, China Mobile and China Telecom both withdrew from the project in 2023 after growing tensions between the US and China.

The Maldives is currently home to the Maldives Sri Lanka Cable (MSC), FALCON, PEACE, and Dhiraagu Cable Network. The Domestic Submarine Cable of Maldives and India Asia Xpress are both set to go live later this year.

It is being claimed on the social media platform Facebook that India has bought 28 islands from the neighbouring country Maldives for Rs 923 crore. This is being described as the biggest achievement of the Modi government. Know how much truth is there in this claim?

Several videos, photos and posts go viral on social media each day with some of them being uploaded with false claims. Much of the time, social media users believe these photos, videos and posts to be true and share them on their timeline. One such post is being shared about the islands of Maldives. Which is being shared on Facebook and X with false claims. India TV's fact check team investigates such fake videos and posts being shared with misleading claims.

What did viral posts say?
For the past few days, many users on social media have been claiming that India has bought 28 islands from Maldives. Recently, Indian Foreign Minister Dr. S Jaishankar visited the Maldives and met President Mohammed Moizzu. The picture of this meeting is being shared on social media platforms with false claims. A Facebook user named Markandey Pandey wrote on August 12, "India has bought 28 islands from Maldives. India has made this deal for 923 crores. Maldives President Mohammed Moizzu handed over 28 islands to India. On this occasion, Maldives President Moizzu said that Modi always supports. Modi ji has supported in every difficult time. It is right. Will support in future also."

What came out in Fact Check?
India TV's fact-check team investigated this viral post on Facebook. By searching the keywords written in the post, it was found that recently Indian Foreign Minister Dr. S Jaishankar visited Maldives (09-11 August). A post of Foreign Minister S Jaishankar related to this also came up on X. In this X post, Foreign Minister S Jaishankar has thanked Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu for the warm welcome.

Earlier, Muizzu posted a photo on X on August 10 while talking to Jaishankar and wrote in his post, "It was a pleasure to meet Dr S Jaishankar today and join him in the official handover of water and sewerage projects in 28 islands of the Maldives. I thank the Government of India, especially Prime Minister Narendra Modi for always supporting the Maldives. Our enduring partnership continues to strengthen, bringing our nations closer through cooperation in security, development, and cultural exchange. Together, we build a brighter, more prosperous future for the region."

Jaishankar thanked Muizzu by reposting this post. Along with this, in a press release issued by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs on 11 August 2024, it was told that with the help of India, the work of water and sanitation project in Maldives has been completed, which covers 28 islands of Maldives.

NEW DELHI: External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar met Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu in Male on Saturday and emphasized that ties with the country would be strengthened.

“It was a privilege to call on President Muizzu and I conveyed greetings on behalf of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. We are committed to deepening ties with the Maldives for the benefit of our people and the region,’’ said Jaishankar in Male.

At the President’s Office in the Maldives, the two witnessed a virtual inauguration and handing over of the Water and Sanitation Projects in 28 islands, commissioned under the Indian Line of Credit.

“It was a pleasure to meet Dr Jaishankar and join him in the official handover of water and sewerage projects in 28 islands of Maldives. I thank the Indian government and PM Modi for always supporting the Maldives. Our partnership continues to be strong, bringing our nations closer through cooperation in security, development and cultural exchange. Together we build a brighter, more prosperous future for the region,” said President Muizzu.

India is supporting the Maldives in health, education, large infrastructure development, defence, maritime, agriculture, banking and adapting for climate resilience. “It is our endeavour to expand this list as we move forward and harness our multifaceted partnership to realise the aspirations of our people,” he said.

India has given a mix of grants, loans, budgetary support, capacity building and training assistance to the Maldives. Many of these projects are being realised on the ground, delivering tangible benefits to common people.

“India-Maldives development cooperation embodies the motto of our partnership – ‘Imagined by Maldives, Delivered by India’. It will be our endeavour to harness this defining feature of our relationship and scale greater heights. I hope with your guidance and encouragement, our joint efforts, our joint activities and our shared vision will form an important milestone in the journey of our two nations together,’’ said Jaishankar.

Meanwhile, in a bid to enable people across the Maldives access fresh water, India has provided them with low-cost solutions. “It has been our objective to provide ecologically sustainable low-cost solutions to our development partners so that they are not only able to access potable water but also have the capability to treat sewage, thereby, protecting the delicate ecology of these islands and atolls,’’ Jaishankar added.

This project has brought safe drinking water to 32 islands and introduced sewerage in 17 islands and has directly impacted the lives of 28,000 Maldivians. Under this project, latest technologies have been used to provide clean drinking water and safe sewerage disposal. In addition, the buildings are also equipped with solar energy providing support to the island grids. With a total funding of a $110 million, this is the largest climate adaptation implemented in the Maldives with international collaboration.

“It is also significant to note that the completion of this project has supplemented the Maldives’ endeavours in reaching its sustainable development goals by establishing climate resilient and cost-effective water and sewerage systems,” Jaishankar said.

“I am sure this will go a long way in improving the lives of the women who bear the primary burden of fetching clean water,’’ Jaishankar said.

His visit, the first high-level trip from India, is aimed at resetting the bilateral relationship after pro-China President Mohammad Muizzu assumed office last year.

According to the Indian embassy in Maldives, the Indian expatriate community in the country has an approximate strength of 27,000. They have a strong presence in the health and education sector. There are Indian unskilled workers and most of them are engaged in the construction sector.

The Maldives government will ban Israelis from the Indian Ocean archipelago known for white sand beaches and luxury resorts as public anger in the predominantly Muslim nation rises over the war in Gaza.

President Mohamed Muizzu has “resolved to impose a ban on Israeli passports”, a spokesman for his office said in a statement, without giving details of when the new law would take effect.

Muizzu also announced a national fundraising campaign called “Maldivians in Solidarity with Palestine”. Nearly 11,000 Israelis visited the Maldives last year, which was 0.6 percent of total tourist arrivals.

Official data also shows the number of Israelis visiting the Maldives dropped to 528 in the first four months of this year, down 88 percent compared to the corresponding period last year.

Opposition parties and government allies in the Maldives have been putting pressure on Muizzu to ban Israelis as a sign of protest against the Gaza war. At least 36,439 Palestinians have been killed and 82,627 wounded in the conflict since October 7.

‘We’re good’

The Maldives lifted a previous ban on Israeli tourists in the early 1990s and moved to restore relations in 2010. However, normalisation attempts were scuttled following the toppling of President Mohamed Nasheed in February 2012.

In response to the ban, an Israel foreign ministry spokesman urged citizens currently in the Maldives to depart. “For Israeli citizens staying in the country, it is recommended to consider leaving, since if they fall into distress for any reason, it will be difficult for us to help.”

Israeli passport holders have also not been allowed to enter Algeria, Bangladesh, Brunei, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen.

In a post on X in March, the State of Israel said: “We’re good,” in response to a post about these countries’ entry bans, which had been in place prior to the onset of the ongoing war in Gaza.

The recently concluded elections in the Maldives witnessed President Mohamed Muizzu’s party—The People’s National Congress (PNC) secure a supermajority in the Parliament. The ruling party now directly controls over 73 out of 93 seats in the country. Domestically, Muizzu seems to have survived his toughest political challenge so far. His strong hold over the country’s legislature will likely embolden his policy of diversifying relations from India and increasing cooperation with China. However, a pragmatic and rational policy might likely convince him to stay away from alienating India completely. 

An assessment of the electoral outcome 
PNC’s victory can be attributed to several factors. First, as some Maldivian journalists suggest, all parliamentary elections since 2014 have seen the electorate empowering the President, allowing them to run a hassle-free government. In this regard, this election seems to be no different. Second, there were many instances of abuse of state resources. Several new projects were announced or inaugurated during or just before the elections. The government has also secured votes by offering political appointments. Since his swearing-in, Muizzu has appointed more than 300 ministers in his cabinet and sanctioned several political appointments for the state-owned enterprises, many even just before the elections. Third, Muizzu’s nationalist rhetoric and India’s withdrawal of troops seem to have likely reinforced the public’s confidence in his electoral and mega-infrastructure promises. Finally, vote buying was also a largely practised tactic by all the parties in the elections. 

Two political strategies have also likely worked in Muizzu’s favour. One, to avoid further factionalism within the PNC, especially between Yameen loyalists and individuals loyal to Muizzu, the ruling party encouraged some of their loyalists to contest independently. Second, being alienated by big parties, PNC made some concessions to the smaller parties. By not fielding PNC candidates from the constituencies of the leaders of Maldives Development Alliance (MDA), Maldives National Party (MNP), and Jumhoory Party (JP), Muizzu seemingly convinced those parties to contest from limited seats. 

These factors and strategies helped Muizzu to garner support from swing voters and members of the JP, MNP, and MDA, besides his PPM-PNC vote base (see Table 2). This gave his party an overwhelming majority of 66 votes. Following which, seven of eleven independent MPs—who were endorsed by Muizzu rejoined his party. Support from MDA (2 MPs), JP (1 MP), and MNP (1 MP) has further increased his overall strength to 77 MPs. Therefore, empowering Muizzu and his PNC party significantly.  

Table 1. Parties representation in Parliament and seats contested 

Source: Election Commission 

Table 2. Party memberships and votes

Source: Election Commission 

On the other hand, the Opposition, especially the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), despite being eligible for some parliamentary committees, will be alienated with just 12 MPs. The MDP has been unable to muster votes beyond their usual voter base. The party has also seen a significant decrease in the number of votes when compared to the primary round of presidential elections (Table 2). They have also failed to win a seat in their traditional stronghold, Addu. Dissatisfaction with the MDP leadership, issues of corruption, and their control of the Parliament following Muizzu’s elections seems to have cost them dearly.  

Parties cooperating with the MDP have also faced a humiliating defeat. Adhaalath Party, the MDP's coalition partner, has failed to secure a seat in the Parliament for the second consecutive term. The split parties—the Democrats and the People’s National Front—that splintered from the MDP and PPM-PNC have secured zero seats despite being led by two former presidents. The Democrats' votes have been restricted to their vote base and have significantly reduced from the primary round of presidential elections (Table 2)—indicating their diminishing relevance in the political landscape. None of the 35 independent candidates endorsed by PNF and Yameen secured a seat either. Overall, the Opposition, especially the mainstream parties, seems weakened and cornered both in the executive and the legislature.

Strategic implications: 

Muizzu’s attempts to diversify relations with India are linked to his promotion of nationalism and his efforts to muster domestic support. With an overwhelming majority now, Muizzu is more politically stable and secure, which incentivises him to tone down his anti-Indian rhetoric and reconcile with Delhi. But, at the same time, his equation with China remains unchanged. His party continues to enjoy close relations with the Communist Party of China and perceives the country as a pro-efficient partner. In addition, China also remains keen on having a stronger presence in the Maldives and pushing back against India in the country.   

China has made significant inroads in the Maldives in the past five months. In January 2024, Muizzu signed over 20 Memorandums of understanding (MoUs) to cooperate on blue, digital, and green economy, human resources, disaster mitigation, fisheries, agriculture, tourism, health, etc. A noteworthy trend is that, unlike the Yameen years, China is increasingly investing in smaller community development projects and partnerships. It has either committed or donated ambulances, civilian vehicles, laboratory equipment, and 1,500 tonnes of bottled water. It is building desalination plants, state-of-the-art fish processing plants, and power plants for electricity generation, and also commencing smart utility services in the Maldives. Some projects, such as developing Ras Malé ́ island and its housing units, expanding the Velana Airport, redeveloping roads in Malé, and free maintenance of the Sinamale bridge for three years, will enable Beijing to have more on-ground presence in the country. Both countries are also increasing their defence cooperation through a Strategic Comprehensive Partnership and a defence pact. The government has also agreed to participate in China’s Global Security Initiative, Global Civilisation Initiative, and Global Development Initiative and expedite the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects.

On the other hand, the new government is reducing dependence on India and checkmating it in some strategic investments. For instance, the China Harbouring Engineering Company has signed an MoU with Maldives to reclaim 200 hectares of land in Uthuru Thila Falhu (UTF), construct an agriculture industrial park, and equip it with modern technology like drones. This project is in the same region as the India-funded UTF Coastguard harbour, and could help China keep a close eye on the Indian project. China will also develop Kadhdhoo airport, where a batch of Indian troops are reportedly located and will soon be substituted by civilian experts. The government is also proposing to shift the Gulhifalhu port to Thilafushi and is opening the latter for private investors, even as Indian EXIM funded the reclamation of Gulhifalhu and maintains that only Indian firms can develop the port. Muizzu also recently claimed that the Indian civilian experts in the Maldives are based on an agreement and will be stationed in the country temporarily. The Maldives is also attempting to reduce its dependence on India for defence, food imports, health insurance, drugs, and tourism. 

The recent victory in the Parliament is only likely to embolden this foreign policy of Muizzu’s. The victory has obliterated China’s earlier reservations with Muizzu, such as his lack of strength in the Parliament and distancing from Yameen. China’s welcoming of the recent electoral outcome further demonstrates its willingness to expand relations with the island nation for the next five years. With a supermajority in the parliament, there are also substantial risks of passing the bill on the Free Trade Agreement with China without much scrutiny, unilateral cancellation of projects (including Indian projects), and passing laws like foreign ownership of islands, as seen when Yameen was in power. Besides, the government has also decided to revive resort development projects in undeveloped islands that have been on halt since 2019. Some of these investments are from China and have caused significant security concerns previously. Overall, it seems that India will face increasing challenges from China as Muizzu embraces a closer relationship with the latter. 

A perennial status quo? 

This is not to suggest that Muizzu will be politically secure with a pro-China policy throughout the next five years. 

A supermajority does not guarantee that the government will function without any ruptures. Similar to the ruling party, the Opposition will leverage the loopholes in the newly passed anti-defection law to increase their strength and reduce the ruling party’s unity in the parliament. Buying votes from the MPs could emerge as a more frequently occurring phenomenon in this Parliamentary tenure. Further, the AP, MDP, Democrats, and PNF will likely cooperate with each other to keep Muizzu in check. Despite not having any legislative and executive power, they might use their members and street power to mobilize crowds and pressure the government on multiple fronts, including its external conduct.   

Similarly, the PNC’s majority will weaken some, if not all of India’s leverages. With a weak opposition in the Parliament, Muizzu can unilaterally cancel projects and diversify health insurance schemes, drugs, tourism, and food imports from India despite economic costs. But other leverages like India’s geographical proximity, economic growth, and development assistance remain unaffected by the elections. And if Muizzu embraces a pragmatic and rational approach, rather than being influenced by ideological and personal leanings alone, then he will be able to use these leverages to further Maldives’ interests. For one, he would not want to reduce his options for diplomatic manoeuvring by alienating India completely. It is then likely that Muizzu would embrace a working relationship with India even as he maintains a pro-China tilt.